Age Isn’t a Problem, Malawi Needs to Move Away from Personality Politics

Malawi appears to be living in a never-ending electoral cycle. The local politics is always about the next elections, as much as it is about politicians always positioning themselves for top government and public positions where the bounties of this peaceful country are shared, away from the majority of its citizens who have to grapple with poor public services on a daily basis. If governance was about elections then Malawi could have been doing very well. But governance is about providing public services for all citizens, regardless of their social-political status. This has not been the case in Malawi – governance in Malawi is about those in power and their cronies.

This is why Malawians are increasingly becoming frustrated of the country’s governance systems, which allow for cronyism, nepotism, tribalism and corruption to flourish. The frustrations can be identified through the calls for federal system of government in the immediate aftermath of 2014 elections. When politicians, especially those from Central and Northern regions felt their respective regions had been left out in Peter Mutharika’s cabinet. The whole issue is based on the understanding that those with access to the public pulse will only develop their home areas and most likely that only those in their circles will enjoy the benefits of the land.

No wonder everyone with time and little resources to spare thinks the most viable option is to start their own political party. As it stands Malawi has over 50 registered political parties. Justin Malewezi could be the only former Vice President who does not ‘own’ a political party. The latest political party could be the current Vice President Saulosi Chilima whose breakaway group from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is gaining momentum – at least among few urban elites and frustrated politicians who have fallen out of favour with DPP.

The whole thing has all the hallmarks of corruption. It is only those that are outside Mutharika’s cabinet that have opted to follow Chilima – and the President himself is on record to have admitted that the Chilima follower are a disgruntled bunch who have been left out of public and government positions. The Vice President has decried what he calls “embarrassing levels” of corruption within his government, just when it suited him to do so.

Invaluably, it is the same old politics at play here – if at all, the Chilima camp have emphasised that Chilima at 45 is much energetic and perhaps has fresher ideas than the 77 years old Peter Mutharika. The age argument has got some traction, Nsanje South West MP, Joseph Chidanti Malunga is reportedly seeking to table a motion in parliament to have presidential age limit to 65 years. I agree with Edge Kanyongolo, Chancellor College Constitutional Law expert who told Weekend Nation newspaper that currently there are no convincing reasons to warrant the age limit.

Though a separate issue, I see those arguing for Chilima’s case through his age in the same right. Those making Chilima’s case need to give Malawians convincing reasons – why is he the man to get Malawi out of its economic nightmare, for example. Surely not age alone. Malawi is where it is today not because of aged or old leaders but because it has had a political system that allows for cronyism, nepotism and tribalism, which inevitably leads to corruption.

Malawi needs a system where people follow politicians and political parties because they agree to certain policy ideas and ideologies. As it is, Malawi politics is all about personalities, which is a recipe for all sorts of ills that have trapped this country in grinding poverty. No wonders MPs in Malawi’s part-time parliament would rather ask for boreholes – never mind tap water – than discussing how to sort-out the perennial electricity crisis in the country. Malawi has opposition parties that are forever eager to disagree and talk dawn everything from the government benches yet they cannot even come up with a shadow budget to show what ideas they have. 2019 elections are about the same old personality politics.

In Defence of African Bloggers’ Freedom

An African Bloggers Statement on the Situation in Tanzania

15 June 2018.

We, the undersigned bloggers , based in East, Southern, Central and West Africa, committed to the universal and continental right of all Africans to the rights of freedom of expression, access to information in tandem with the important right of all to access the internet;

Outrightly condemn the recently introduced Tanzanian government policy of exorbitantly licensing and criminalizing the democratically important work of bloggers and whistleblowers.

From an African perspective, Tanzania , long considered on the African continent as a beacon of freedom dating back from the days of our own liberation struggles against colonialism through to being at the heart of the freedom solidarity under the auspices of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now known as the African Union (AU), is regrettably setting an undemocratic example to the rest of the continent.

This , against the globally valued tradition of African solidarity in pursuit of not only democracy but also social and economic justice beyond its own borders and at great national sacrifice to its own people,

As African bloggers we consider it tragic and unfortunate that Tanzania has now decided to limit the same freedoms that the greater majority of Tanzanians and Africans historically value and have come to achieve.

“We therefore strongly urge the Tanzanian government to repeal repressive provisions in the Electronic and Postal Communications (EPOCA) (Online Content) Regulations, 2018 and other related online content laws which we believe only serve to undermine freedom of expression, access to information, and media freedom.”

Not only in the spirit of African liberation of old but more significantly in pursuit of a democratic future of all Africans. Regardless of age, political persuasion and ethnocentric origin.

We call upon the African Union, the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to strongly urge the government of Tanzania t reverse its decision. And that new policies on access and use of the internet and its offshoot become more democratic not only for bloggers but for every African citizen that already has or would have access to social media or the internet.

In the words of the legendary liberation struggle African icon, Kwame Nkrumah, ‘Africa must unite!’ As bloggers we add the following phrase, ‘Africa must unite in pursuit of democracy, human rights , social and economic justice.’

Signed

1. Takura Zhangazha (Harare, Zimbabwe)
2. Bruce Chooma, (Lusaka, Zambia)
3. Fanta Diallo, (Dakar, Senegal)
4. Jimmy Kainja, (Zomba, Malawi)
5. Anne-Marie Befoune (Dakar, Senegal)
6. Masake Anthony (Kampala, Uganda)
7. Paul Shalala (Kitwe, Zambia)
8. Prudence Nyamishana (Kampala, Uganda)
9. Daniel Ominde, (Kisumu, Kenya)
10. Blessing Vava, (Harare, Zimbabwe)
11. Fotso Fonkam, (Yaounde, Cameroon)
12. Alexandre Nhampossa, (Maputo, Mozambique)
13. Nwachukwu Egbunike (Ibadan, Nigeria)
14. Dércio Tsandzana (Maputo – Mozambique)

Joyce Banda’s Return and the Unstable Nature of Malawi Politics

After almost four years away, former president Joyce Banda finally returned to Malawi on 28 April, stepping on home soil for the first time since she lost the 2014 elections. Since her homecoming, she has been quick to criticise the current government, but has remained vague on her next steps, simply emphasising that “this country needs salvation”.

Banda’s two years in power, from 2012-14, will always be synonymous with the cashgate scandal, which revealed the systematic looting of public money by civil servants, private contractors and politicians. The former president has always denied having a hand in the theft of around $31 million, which began before her presidency, but she has been implicated in the testimonies of several individuals who have been convicted. Many presume her reluctance to return to Malawi was due to her fear of arrest.

Now home, Banda insists she has been cleared of any involvement in cashgate, but the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) has denied this is the case. Its investigators say they are still reviewing the evidence. It is possible they will end up summoning her regardless of what they find under political pressure from the government.

Banda for president?

Banda’s return comes almost exactly a year before Malawi’s elections scheduled for May 2019. She says she will be seeking the presidential nomination of her People’s Party (PP), which she founded in 2011. Given that she has no real competition within its ranks, her endorsement would be a formality. A bigger challenge for her will be rebuilding the party, which has suffered several significant defections in her long absence, mostly to the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

If she runs for president again, she will face an uphill battle. In the 2014 elections, Banda did not only fail to win, thus becoming Malawi’s first incumbent president to lose elections since the dawn of multi-party democracy in 1994, but came a distant third.

Her loss came as a surprise to many external observers at the time given her popularity outside Malawi. But, as argued previously, one of Banda’s biggest shortcomings was always her concern with her international reputation often at the expense of securing votes at home. Her long exile abroad will have done nothing to improve this.

Banding together?

Nonetheless, Banda arrives back in Malawi at a time of great political uncertainty. President Peter Mutharika, for example, is under growing pressure from within his own party to make way for a younger candidate. The 77-year-old incumbent has insisted that he will contest again in 2019, but others in the DPP would like to see the likes of 45-year-old vice-president Saulos Chilima throw their hats into the ring too. The choice of the party’s flag-bearer is made at the DPP convention, but it is currently unclear when and if this will take place.

Should Mutharika get the nomination, he would have the power to choose his own running mate. This fact may be the basis of rumours that Banda and Mutharika are considering joining forces. In Malawi’s fluid and often unstable political environment, anything is possible. It is notable, for instance, that Banda is one of a few politicians to have been a key member of every ruling party in the democratic era. Yet for now, the idea of her and Mutharika teaming up seems a stretch too far.

On her return, the former president said she has not spoken to Mutharika since 2012, a particular low point of their relationship. In 2011, Banda, who was then vice-president, defected from the DPP after refusing to endorse Peter Mutharika’s bid to be the next president. Then, in 2012, the two briefly tussled for power after President Bingu wa Mutharika died suddenly. Banda, who retained her vice-presidential role despite leaving the ruling party, became president in accordance with the constitution.

This bitter history makes a Mutharika-Banda ticket seem improbable. More likely is the possibility, also rumoured, that Banda could join forces with the main opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP). Several of its supporters, dressed in party colours, were on hand to welcome Banda at Chileka Airport on her arrival. Since then, however, the MCP has held a convention in which it endorsed Lazarus Chakwera to lead the party again in 2019, with Sidik Mia, a former minister under Banda, his likely running mate. This means any alliance would have to take on a different form to a joint presidential ticket.

A year ahead of elections, the way in which all manner of political alliances are being mooted speaks to the fact that Malawi’s politics is not ideologically driven but mostly based on personalities and regional calculations. This latter factor was particularly highlighted at the MCP convention when a special arrangement had to be made to ensure the party had representatives from across the country.

This is the complex and unpredictable political landscape that Joyce Banda navigated for almost 20 years as a politician and to which she now returns. How she chooses to proceed through it remains to be seen, but the mere homecoming of the former president has already shaken things up even more.

NOTE: This article was first published by African Arguments

Inclusion Matters: Internet Tariffs Too High for Most Malawians

Those that closely follow Malawi’s telecommunication sector will not be surprised that Malawi has once again scored poorly on international ranking for poor Internet accessibility, given that access to the Internet remains very low in comparison with its regional neighbours—owing it to very expensive data tariffs by telecommunication operators, which are also subjected to punitive government tax regimes.

The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Inclusive Index Report of 2018 which was commissioned by Facebook, shows that out of the 86 countries assessed, Malawi is overall ranked 85^th in the world, only one position ahead of the worst ranked country, Democratic Republic of Congo.

On position 83 out 86 Malawi has equally scored poorly on Internet availability which “examines the quality and breadth of available infrastructure required for access and levels of Internet usage.”

Malawi has also scored poorly on affordability, ranking 84 out of 86 in the world. The affordability category examines the cost of access to the Internet relative to income and the level of competition in the Internet marketplace.

Though still poor, Malawi is ranked 79 out of 86 on Relevant content—a slight improvement from the previous positions. Relevant content “measures the availability of news, finance, health, entertainment, and business information.

The report acknowledges that the definition of relevant content can be slippery; the types of content list above are common.

Overall, Malawi has performed well on Internet Readiness. Readiness “examines the capacity to access the Internet, including skills, cultural acceptance, and supporting policy.” Under readiness other issues measured are literacy—to assess the preparedness to use the Internet; trust and safety, this measures Internet safety and cultural acceptance of the Internet. It also measures policy, to assess the existence of national strategies that promote the safe and widespread use of the Internet.

Looking at how these respective measures have been ranked, one thing that becomes clear is that Malawians are ready to embrace the Internet, both culturally and capability wise. This is why Internet readiness has ranked much higher than Internet affordability and availability. The problem is that not many Malawians can afford the cost of the Internet which is among the highest in the world for a country with one of the lowest per capita income in the world.

In 2015 the BBC reported on International Telecommunication Union which established the extent of cost of Internet in Malawi. The report indicated that on average Malawians use more than $12 a month on mobile phones. The report observed that this is more than half of what an ordinary Malawian earns in a month.

Of course, the report is on mobile phones in general but the reality is that in Malawi, like the rest of the continent, we cannot discuss Internet accessibility and affordability without considering the mobile accessibility. Mobile connectivity is by far the primary form of Internet accessibility in African countries.

A 2012 OSISA/ Wits University report pointed out that there is a clear need for Malawi government to reduce taxes for ICT products so as to enhance universal access. The report made this point “considering the harsh economic climate of Malawi and the already exorbitant costs of ICT services as a result of a poor electrical infrastructure and landlocked geography, regulatory taxes present an unwelcome addition to rising costs.”

The report further noted that Malawi Communication Regulatory Authority’s (Macra) policy taxes are largely responsible for the high tariff rates on mobile phones and SMs. “Furthermore, the taxes imposed on ISPs monthly and annually have subsequent effects on end-user costs, exacerbating the situation,” said the report while recommending that “license fees and taxes should be revisited and amounts settled should be prioritised according to a universal access motto.”

Freedom House’s Freedom of the Net 2017 reported the same observation that in large part, Malawi’s ICT sector is choked by heavy government taxes on the industry. This include “a 17.5% VAT on mobile phones and services, a 16.5% VAT on internet services and an additional 10% excise duty on mobile phone text messages and internet data transfers.” All this adds up to 44% duty on Internet and mobile phone access in the country.

Ultimately, it should not come as a surprise that the majority of Malawians are priced out of the Internet and other ICT provisions, which in this day and age should not be seen as luxury because Internet provides essential tools for socioeconomic development as well public participation and contribution to issues of public interest including democratic processes. As the Inclusive Internet Index puts it, “Internet access is a necessary condition for inclusion, even if it is not sufficient to guarantee it.”

Chavura’s Rape Song and the Pitfalls of Telecommunication Regulation in Malawi

In telecommunication regulations are meant to correct market failures in order protect and promote interests of consumers and citizens. In an ideal world, regulation is an ideal thing to have. But then ours is not an ideal world – it is a world full of opportunists and self-interested individuals. Governments and those who run its affairs are often worst offenders and therefore least trusted by the public.

Therefore it comes as no surprise in this country that regulations made in the name of protecting interests of Malawians are received with suspicion and derision, by the very same people whose interests the regulation is supposed to protect. Consolidated ICT Regulatory Management Systems (CIRMS), commonly known as “spy-machine” comes to mind. This equipment was meant to be rolled out by Malawi’s telecommunication regulator, Telecommunication Regulatory Authority (MACRA) to, among other things, help the regulator determine if Malawians were being over-charged by telecommunication operators.

Telecommunication firms in the country successfully challenged the rolling out of CIRMS in the courts. The firms argued that the public were not happy with the machine as the regulator had capacity to eavesdrop in on people’s private information.

Perhaps the timing of the CIRMS roll out was poor given that at the time there was a considerable discontent in the country against the government at the time, the tipping point of which was the 20^th July 2011 nationwide demonstrations. Given that other regulations such the 2016 Cyber Security Act also faced public suspicions, the challenge faced by CIRMS could well be because of the country’s political history, which is riddled with leaderships that have not done much to uplift people’s welfare and well-being. Trust is very important for policy implementation.

Malawians could well have genuine fears and such fears are definitely not ahistorical. Yet, telecommunication companies in Malawi could more reasons to stop MACRA rolling out CIRMS than the purported reason that Malawians were against CIRMS. Today Malawians are no longer discussing CIRMS yet some media reports suggests that some of the telecommunication companies are still not satisfied that MACRA has been cleared by the courts to roll out CIRMS. Time will be the best judge how MACRA will use this equipment.

What is known is that MCRA has not had the capacity to have the full information about the industry it regulates. This is why MACRA had to hire services of a Scottish firm in 2017 to assess the real cost of doing telecommunication business in Malawi. MACRA’s Director of Finance, Ben Chitsonga told the local media that the assessment has indicated that for a long time both Internet and phone calls have been very expensive in the country.

Chitsonga was optimistic that data prices would perhaps go gown following the study’s revelations. This shows the important of telecommunication regulation, especially where the regulator has the actual information of the regulated industry – it is the only that the regulator could work in the interest of the public. This is also crucial for MACRA to perhaps try and improve its chequered public image. MACRA acknowledges in its own 2015-2020 Strategic Plan that among its weakness is “inadequate enforcement of regulations arising from loopholes in the Communications 
Act”.

It is not surprising then that the Cyber Security Act was received with public suspicion. Of course the Act has some unambiguous and dubious provisions, which, according to Freedom House, “includes problematic provisions that critics worry will be used to silence dissent, especially as the country gears up for elections in 2019.” Such provisions include “restrictions on online communications to “protect public order and national security,” as well as vague clauses that may enable network shutdowns or blocks on communications platforms.”

These are genuine worries and I share them but then at the same time the Act is necessary in this day and age to counter the changing communication and media environment.

Robert G. Pickard and Victor Pickard in their report on Essentials Principles for Contemporary Media and Communication Policymaking noticed that “policies pursued in the past for broadcasting, telecommunications, and media are often inadequate for contemporary media and communications.” They added: “the complexities of contemporary digital systems and networks, cable and satellite operations, internet-distributed content, social media, and cross-platform activities necessitate different methods to address the issues and challenges they pose.”

The Electronic Transaction has been structured in such a way that it could address contemporary issues such as those being raised by the two authors. So when malawimusic.com allowed Mwiza Chavura to promote his song perpetuating rape, and one would say outright violence against women on their website, one would think that MACRA was going to act given that the Cyber Security Act has necessary provisions allowing it to intervene and protect the public from contemptible content and material such as Chavura’s song.

MACRA has missed an opportunity to gain some of its much-needed public trust and also to showcase that the Cyber Security Act is not merely there to muzzle freedom of expression as many fear. Instead, it is the public outcry that has forced the police in the country to arrest the artist charged under section 179(1)(a) of the penal code which penalises production of obscene material; when the Cyber Security Act has provisions in sections 24, which among other things limits freedoms of communication in order to “prohibit incitement on racial hatred, xenophobia or violence” and to “prohibit justification for crimes against humanity.”

Malawi on the Internet, It’s Getting Worse

Freedom House’s Freedom on the Net, 2017 report shows that 2017 was, as Wire.com puts it, “terrible year for Internet freedom”. The report shows that almost half of the 65 countries assessed in 2017 experienced a decline in Internet freedoms during the assessment period. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where there are “no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech.”

Malawi is among the countries assessed and it is categorised as “partly free”. This category was arrived at for two distinct reasons: the first one is not much different from many countries assessment in the report; it has to do with direct government interference. The assessment finds that there were few cases where online news was subjected to “government manipulation”; the arrest of three opposition MPs over a WhatsApp conversation; and various provisions in the Electronic Transaction and Cyber Security Act, 2016, which are deemed as punitive and could be used by the government to “censor online content and dissent.”

The second reason is what the report calls the “availability and ease of access”. The report indicates that average connection speeds in Malawi have decreased from 1.8 Mbps (mega bit per second) in 2016 to 1.3 Mbps in 2017 – comparing the average connection speeds to global average of 7.0 Mbps, one could argue that Malawi really doesn’t have Internet to facilitate any meaningful development. The report observes that this means that Malawi has one of the “lowest and slowest growing rates of the Internet in the world, in stark contrast to the exponential growth in access among its neighbouring countries on the continent.”

For patriotic and proud Malawians these finding are unwelcome, of course yet the real problem is that Malawi government and its policy makers still treat access to the Internet as a luxury that should be punished with punitive tax measures ignoring the fact that Internet is a key driver of socioeconomic activities and therefore, national development. In this day and age, a country cannot attract investors if it doesn’t have stable, affordable and standard Internet connection speeds. Gone are the days when Internet could be viewed through the lens of Facebook and other social media platforms where citizens go pastime, entertainment and gossip.

The only time one hears Malawi government officials talking about the Internet is when someone in the position of power, usually politically connected wants social media regulated or some aspects of banned. Do Malawians really want to start this conversation when the Internet has not really taken off in the country? Such approach only reduces the discussion to issues of social media abuse, which only begets the questions of censorship and tight control while ignoring the crucial issue of access and infrastructure development that would increase access quantitatively and qualitatively for all Malawians and not the privileged few.

The Freedom House reports notices that the poor growth rates of Internet and mobile phone access in the country are largely a result of the high service costs for consumers. This include “a 17.5% VAT on mobile phones and services, a 16.5% VAT on internet services and an additional 10% excise duty on mobile phone text messages and internet data transfers.”

If one adds this, it comes up to 44% duty on Internet and mobile phone access in the country, ultimately making Internet and mobile phone access a luxury for the majority of Malawians; and, as noticed by the report: “shutting [majority of Malawians] out of an increasingly digital world of important services like mobile banking and money services that could help lift them out of poverty, as well as access to essential communications platforms.”

It is easy to blame poverty in such cases, as the report has done to an extent, yet measuring by the amount of tariffs Malawians pay to access mobile phones and the Internet, Malawi government policies have not been helpful in trying to bring Malawians online. This is not only reducing Malawi into a disconnected country but also a tiered society between the haves and the have-notes. Unfortunately, even the haves have little to celebrate as the expensive Internet speed is “frustratingly slow” and is decreasing due to “poor infrastructure management and lack of investment.”

Interestingly, Malawi government is aware of the importance of ICT for national development, this is clearly stated out in Malawi’s National ICT Policy, 2013. In its preface the policy states out: “ICT is essential for the sustainable development of Malawi … Implementation of ICT policy is encouraged by the prevalent political will existing in the country, which has seen the ICT sector being recognised as on the priority areas with potential of turning around the economy….”

Similarly, Malawi’s telecommunication regulator, MACRA has indicated in its 2015 – 2020 Strategic Plan that its “vision” is “universal access and usage of ICT services in Malawi.” And its “mission” is “to facilitate the development of the ICT Sector through efficient and effective regulation and research.”

The irony is that access to ICTs, particularly mobile phone and Internet services has not improved since 2015 when Malawi government imposed 10% VAT on an industry. This suggests that all these policy documents on ICT are merely a window dresser. The amount of VAT the government is getting from the industry indicates that Malawi government is mainly interested in making money—through taxes and operating licences while ignoring the benefits of ICT to the socioeconomic development of the country and its people.

We need to talk about Access to Information, Again

Recently I received a phone call from a journalist asking my views on authorities refusing to provide information to the media. The context of the story was that a local media institution got rumours that the sacked Zimbabwean Vice President, Emmerson Mnangagwa who has left Zimbabwe had sought asylum in Malawi. In the spirit of fact checking, the media institution contacted Minister of Foreign Affairs to check if the rumours were true. What appears like a simple yes or no answer, the Minister asked for more time and according to this Tweet, the Minister asked the media institution to “send us a questionnaire”.

I know that some information is deemed sensitive and therefore cannot be shared publicly. Perhaps the Minster felt this is that kind of information, given that it has potential to cause a diplomatic spark between Malawi and Zimbabwe. It could also be the case that the minister did not have any information on the matter – as I have said, it was only a rumour the reporters were seeking clarification for. In both cases it was an easy case of stating what it is: sorry I cannot give you that information because it is sensitive or sorry I, or my office, don’t know anything about that. This would have been fine and there is nothing wrong with it.

Anyway, the issue for me is not whether Malawi has offered Mnangagwa asylum or not – the issue is access to information, or lack of it.

The vague response points to continuity in which public officials tend to treat journalists and media institutions with contempt – seeing journalists as a nuisance and trouble-makers whose only mission is to embarrass authorities. It is information war, which is unfortunate given that the very foundations of democratic societies, like Malawi are founded on transparency and accountability in which the civil society, not only political elites are key stakeholders. Not only through voting but also daily participation in public life and holding those in authority to account – democracy is a process, not periodic event.

Meaningful citizen participation in public life and democratic processes can only be realised if citizens have access to necessary information that allows them to make informed opinion. One sure way of ensuring that a country has informed citizenry is through access to information, guaranteeing freedom of expression and ensuring freedom of the press. All these rights are in there in Malawi’s Constitution but in practice we always see forces trying to undermine this – not only in Malawi but also in the entire African continent as well as in the so-called mature democracies. There are efforts everywhere to undermine citizens’ access to information.

They say that in war, the first casualty is the truth. In this information war between government and citizens this saying is very true. Malawi government passed access to information after 12 years. The State President assented the bill into law in February this year. Yet, nine months after access to information became a reality there are still no procedures on how the civil society can access information – one can only hope it will not take another 12 years to have such procedures in place. Only 22 of Africa’s 50+ countries have access to information law.

This attests to the gravity of the problem. Even in the so called information age when the Internet has supposedly provided forum for ordinary citizens to engage in public issues – governments have resorted to Internet shutdowns and increased regulations to narrow down spectrums of acceptable participation and engagement. Journalists and media institutions ought to be aware of these facts and perhaps narrow their expectations from public offices. Even in the so-called information age investigative journalism that goes beyond official sources remains crucial. The onus is on the civil society to ensure open and accountable society – in practice not only in theory.

“Fake News” and Internet Shutdowns in Africa – What is to be Done?

In 2016 after attending my first Re:publica, a techie conference in Berlin, I wrote of a need for Africa to have what I called a “collective thinking space” where like-minded actors on the African continent would converge to share ideas and inspire each other. The Forum on Internet Freedom in Africa, 2017 (FIFAfrica17) which was held in Johannesburg, South Africa which I recently attended was the type of gathering that I wrote about in 2016.

Organised by Corroboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) and co-hosted by the Association for Progressive Communication (APC), the peak of FIFAfrica17 was the launch of two important reports by CIPESA: State of Internet Freedom in Africa 2017 and the Cost of Internet Shutdowns in Africa. The reports highlight how influential new technologies, specifically the Internet have become in African politics over the years. Speaking at the Forum, Google’s Fortune Mgwili-Sibanda, observed that not withstanding the low Internet penetration rate on the continent, the Internet today has become important to African politics in a similar way that broadcasting was in the age of coups in Africa.

State broadcasting stations were always among the first institutions to be ceased by successful coup leaders so they could announce their victories and spread propaganda. Today, noted Mgwili-Sibanda, authoritarian states are quick to shutdown the Internet to maintain power and control. The age of the Internet has arrived in Africa and it is only right that Africans engage with new technologies critically – FIFAfrica17 provided that space.

Apart from critical issues concerning security and gender equality online, cost of the Internet, freedom of expression, access to information and privacy online, there were two specific issues that stood-out for me: “fake news” and of Internet shutdown. “Fake news”, perhaps I happened to sit on its discussion panel and Internet shutdowns because for the first-time I got to meet people who have directly been affected by fake news and they spoke passionately about it.

Some thoughts on these two issues:

“Fake news”

We must first understand that the central problem with “fake news”, and this is why it matters, is the centrality of access to information in democratic societies. Information is a pre-requisite for citizen’s public participation, and meaningful public participation can only be realised when citizens have accurate and critical information. This can only be realised through free and independent media providing accurate and verified information, not “fake news”.

Of course “fake news” has always been around in various forms and guises – it is still the same today. There are “fake news” producers only using it as click-baits, the motive here is nothing more than monetising. Then there is “fake news” informed by cultural myths – in Africa, certainly in Malawi where I come from, you always have media reporting on cases such as witchcraft planes having landed somewhere, is this not “fake news”? Then the most critical one: deliberate “fake news” aimed at deceiving the audience, harming someone, maintaining or attaining power.

The first version of “fake news” is likely to drift away as society figures out this disruptive technology. The second version is harmless – societies are bound and they exist by cultural beliefs and myths. We must be worried with the third version of “fake news” as it is politically motivated and its consequences have a greater impact in society.

In some cases there is nothing that media institutions can do to stop the spread of “fake news”, and this is one of the reasons that the “fake news” phenomenon is technology specific – the Internet. Yet, this also emphasises the critical role that journalists have in ensuring that the public have access to accurate and credible information.

Verification and fact-checking in journalism have never been so important. It is also the only way that journalism is going to maintain its credibility intact. As the saying goes, it is better to be late and accurate than break inaccurate or incorrect news.

Internet Shutdowns

The cost of Internet shutdowns is colossal as indicated in the report launched at FIFAfrica17. Yet, for paranoid political leader trying to maintain control and power, there is no price that cannot be paid.

But then it is crucial to appreciate that Internet shutdowns involve two players – government and service providers. Governments are interested is shutting down the Internet to close off citizens expressing their dissatisfaction and misgivings about the government. While service providers have to abide by government orders or risk loosing operating licenses. Service providers are not charity organisations – their prime motive is to make profits.

This leaves civil society to battle for open and accessible Internet for all, against the collusion between governments and service providers. Gatherings such as FIFAfrica17, though seemingly techie niche, are thus very important for activists, civil society groups, academia etc. to bang heads, share experiences and chart the way forward.

If everything in the past has failed to bring about African consciousness and solidarity among the huge diversity of Africans then Internet is proving an exception. According to a 2015 Portland Communication study, “Africa Tweets” the political #hashtags in Africa show that there is more solidarity among Africans online – or at least on Twitter. South Africa’s #feesmustfall hashtag was more popular in Egypt than South Africa itself, for example.

Malawi – 56 Years After Dunduzu K. Chisiza’s “Realities of African Independence”

“Vindictiveness directed at the opposition parties has its nemesis when tables are turned – not to mention the adverse effect of the resultant strife on economic development.” Dunduzu Kaluli Chisiza

In his futuristic 1961 book “Realities of African Independence”, Dunduzu Kaluli Chisiza envisioned some of the problems that newly independent African States would face. He mentioned four specific problems: 1) political, 2) leadership, 3) social and 4) economic. The book was entirely set out to discuss problems that independent African countries would have to deal with. I think it is a shame that this book is not a recommended reading in schools and colleges, even more so that the book is currently out of print.

I am saying this because Chisiza’s fears of independent African countries have come to pass, certainly for Malawi. It is through reading this book that one appreciates political and leadership problems faced today, in Malawi and elsewhere on the continent. To make my point, I will concentrate on political and leadership problems that Chisiza identified, in part because I think these two problems are key to socio-political and economic problems that have trapped so many African countries in poverty.

By political problems Chisiza did not mean wars or other forms of insurgency. He meant personalised politics that stifle national development, politics that promote narrow personal interests at the expense of wider national interests. Chisiza argued that at the centre of the political problems was the relationship between government and opposition parties. He noticed that this was “indicated by such symptoms as intolerance on the part of governing parties, a tendency towards ‘strong-man’ governments, indulgence in smear campaigns and political instability.”

Anyone who pays attention to Malawi politics would agree that after 53 years of independence Malawi is still mired in the political mess that Chisiza feared. Party politics is prioritised over governance – it is always a contest between opposition and the incumbency while the rest of the country spectates. The caveat here is that those in the opposition often have no better option either; it is just that it is not they with the public purse at that given time – Malawi is stuck in this political vicious circle.

Within the independent African states, Chisiza feared what he called leadership of “rewarding friends and punishing foes” at the expense of greater public good. He noted:

“It is deplorable for leaders to promote faithful party members into positions for which they have not necessary skill or ability, above the heads of those who posses it. This leads not only to inefficiency but to downright corruption.”

Most of the problems facing Malawi today emanate from party politics Chisiza warned about. Corruption and politics of patronage are a deadly combination because those involved in malpractice, such as corruption do so with impunity – corruption cases like cashgate has taught Malawians this lesson. Politics attract not patriots and people ready to serve their nation but opportunists looking to get closer to power for personal gains.

National events are politicised so the ruling party can benefit from public resources being thrown around for a national event. On its 53^rd independence Malawi government decided to celebrate the anniversary under the theme “thanking God for a season of plenty.” The theme clearly points to the relatively good harvest in the last harvesting season and the ruling party shamelessly makes sure that it takes at least some credit for it, when in fact Malawians should be question whether the issue of food security should remain the defining political issue, 53 years after independence.

There is no space for policy issues; it is always about politics, not governance and not Malawi as a notion but political party. Political party colours are more prominent during national events than the national flag. This is a defining shame of Malawi’s democratic era.

Academic studies with findings unacceptable to the incumbency is met with brutal rejection, indignation and intimidation from the government and ruling party zealots; civil society organisations that dare question the status quo are vilified by the government in equal measure. Every political party in power has its useful youth wing whose duty is not national service but to intimidate opposition and silence critical voices.

Unfortunately, you cannot do away with these problems through the ballot – the solution is not choosing one party or individual over the other. This is because, as Chisiza observed the cause of these problems is the friction between the incumbency and the opposition – elections only means the two opposites swapping sides and the motivation of being in power remains the same: exploiting the public purse. They hold it so dearly that anyone who dare point out flaws in the governance system is seen as a threat.

The political and leadership problems that Chisiza so ably identified have turned Malawi into a corruption heaven where folks prefer to advance narrow self interests than promoting broader national interests; a country where those in the positions of power and their cronies loot from the public coffers with impunity.

Alcohol and Mental Health in Malawi

Sometimes you get a feeling that Malawi is a country in a permanent state of socio-political and economic crisis; from newspaper headlines, political speeches to random chats on social media one wonders how the inhabitants of this peaceful beautiful country get-by day-by-day. The problem is, as I have argued before, because Malawi leaders always opt for quick but temporary fixes for complicated problems that seem popular at the time.

In short, every crisis in Malawi has to address an immediate political concern for the incumbency and that politics do not go beyond the next election day in the end Malawi has become a state of short-term fixes and permanent crises. Malawi needs leaders that are prepared to set aside their political ambitions and make difficult, even unpopular decisions, to lead the country in the right direction – a leader guides the flock and not the other way round.

I reflected on this as I read recent media report that Minister of Industry recently told members of parliament (as a response to a member’s question) that his ministry has shutdown 13 liquor manufacturers whose liquor were packaged in plastic bottles and sachets—in other words cheap, portable and readily available alcoholic drinks on the market.

The MPs’ query about the availability of the said product on the market was based on the fact that liquor, packaged in sachets and plastic bottles is banned in Malawi. According to the report, the minister assured the MP asking the question that the ban is still in force and that the liquor on the market is smuggled into the country. The minister is reported to have said that the basis of banning the alcohol was to “protect children who are future leaders”.

It is true, children, just like all vulnerable people in society have to be protected and one of the government’s foremost prerogatives it to protect its citizens such as these. Yet, by now the government should have known that shutting down liquor manufacturers is not enough because, let us not kid ourselves here, where there’s demand someone will definitely supply, no matter what it takes. In fact, making it illegal only drives the business underground making it hard for the government to monitor or regulate the trade.

The government needs to address the root cause of the problem. This is not easy, but this is why the government needs to make tough, even unpopular decisions to protect its citizens majority of whom are its “future leaders.” One wonders if the government has ever attempted to understand why out of the sudden alcoholic sachets have found a lucrative market among Malawian (mostly urban) youths?

Without understanding this what we are left with are try-and-error “solutions”, which is what is failing like the current ban. It is easy to blame sachets and plastic bottles because these are cheap and readily available for the most youths and poor Malawians; it is easy to discuss, even ban cheap alcohol because those who consume it are mostly visible on the streets – they don’t drive, they can’t afford taxis so they are a “nuisance” to the public but the alcohol problem is beyond sachets and plastic bottles, alcohol is slowly but surely becoming a national crisis in Malawi and this has an impact on the country’s mental health.

World Health Organisation (WHO) defines mental health as: “a state of well-being in which every individual realises his or her own potential, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to her or his community.”

WHO’s definition of health, according to its constitution, says: “Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity.””

I am not an expert on mental health issues, but you do not need to be one to know that based on these definitions, mental health is a silent yet a crucial issue in Malawi. Any honest Malawian would agree that these definitions have a reflection on Malawi, as a society. The problem of alcohol, in whatever form the alcohol is sold and consumed, needs to be taken seriously. Malawians cannot afford to play politics of quick fixes to this complex issue – it is a difficult one but no one said having a functioning society should be an easy job.